This opinion piece was written by Robert Muggah, Associate Lecturer at the Pontifical Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro (PUC-Rio) and co-founder of the Igarapé Institute. It can also be found in our refugees, migration and integration (opens in a new tab) newsfeed.


More than 2.3 million Venezuelans (opens in a new tab) — roughly 7% of the entire population — have fled the country’s political and economic crisis (opens in a new tab) since 2014, the largest human displacement in Latin America’s history.

Earlier this year as many as 5,000 Venezuelans (opens in a new tab) crossed the border every day, most of them seeking safety in poor cities and towns (opens in a new tab) in Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador and Peru.

Impromptu refugee camps are springing up in towns across South America, fuelling anxieties that tent cities may become permanent ghettos (opens in a new tab).

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Latin America is not the only region where cities are struggling to cope with mass migration – populations that would previously have landed in rural refugee camps.

Migrants prefer cities to camps

Urban refugees are a growing phenomenon.

According to a recent World Refugee Council report (opens in a new tab), which I co-authored, hundreds of cities worldwide are overwhelmed by an influx of people fleeing conflict in Syria, Myanmar, Sudan and beyond.

Ever since the mass global displacement of the World War II — and particularly after Nigeria’s 1967 Biafra civil war (opens in a new tab) —international aid organisations have primarily housed refugees in rural camps, where they are provided food, shelter, legal processing, education and medical care.

If given the option, however, refugees typically prefer to resettle in cities (opens in a new tab). There, they stand a better chance at rebuilding their lives.

But when too many refugees arrive at once, they can create a host of challenges (opens in a new tab) for city officials. Refugees often arrive with little more than the clothing on their backs urgently needing housing, food, education and skills training.

Yet neither the United Nation’s 1951 Convention on Refugees (opens in a new tab) nor its 1967 supplementary protocol (opens in a new tab) even references urban refugees, much less defines the specific roles and responsibilities of city officials in dealing with migrants.

Though the current strategic plan (opens in a new tab) of the UN’s refugee agency acknowledges that more refugees are moving to cities, it offers few recommendations for helping cities better serve them.

Today, about 17.5 million people — about 70% of all refugees worldwide (opens in a new tab) — live in urban areas, according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (opens in a new tab).

Political barriers to integrating refugees

The UN’s refugee agency issued its first official policy statement on urban refugees (opens in a new tab) in 1997. Concerned that increasing municipal migrant services might pull refugees away from remote camps and into cities, it promoted a model of “self-reliance” (opens in a new tab) to keep them at bay.

In practice, that means urban refugees and other migrants mostly fend for themselves. Some can afford to rent apartments. Others stay with family and friends. Many end up homeless and destitute.

Their undocumented status makes self-reliance difficult. Millions of refugees and asylum-seekers living in cities across Thailand, Jordan and Kenya (opens in a new tab) are denied work permits (opens in a new tab), pushing them into poorly paid, black market jobs. Few can access formal education or health services.

Some cities have taken a more active approach to refugee and migrant services (opens in a new tab) – though not always successfully.

In Calais, France, thousands of Middle Eastern and North African migrants and refugees were directed to a camp located on a former landfill, where they were served by local charities and aid organisations.

But the “Calais Jungle,” as the squalid camp was known, lacked proper sanitation, and disease spread quickly. More than 6,400 residents were evacuated in 2016 (opens in a new tab).

The patchwork response to new arrivals – and the high visibility of migrants who are “campified (opens in a new tab)” on the streets – is fuelling public discontent from residents who view refugees as a drain on already scarce city resources.

Cities take the lead

Politics is one reason that the UN has been slow to address the urban refugee crisis. It has faced immense pressure from member countries to continue building and administering rural camps (opens in a new tab) rather than help refugees integrate and resettle in cities (opens in a new tab).

Right-wing politicians everywhere from Uganda (opens in a new tab) and Nepal (opens in a new tab) to the United States (opens in a new tab) and Colombia (opens in a new tab) portray displaced people as a national security threat.

But things may be starting to change (opens in a new tab).

In 2015, following a rush of refugees (opens in a new tab) from the Mideast and North Africa, a network of foundations and 50 European cities (opens in a new tab) – including Barcelona, Frankfurt and Rotterdam – established “Solidarity Cities (opens in a new tab).” They are working together to deliver housing and other immediate services to new arrivals and, over time, integrate them into city life.

Last year, the International Organisation for Migration and the umbrella group United Cities and Local Governments organised 150 cities around the globe to sign a declaration (opens in a new tab) on the rights of urban refugees.

Asserting that refugees can “bring significant social, economic and cultural contributions to urban development,” they called on international organisations and national governments to politically and financially support cities in caring for migrant populations.

In the U.S., many cities have responded to President Donald Trump’s immigration crackdown (opens in a new tab) by publicly declaring themselves “welcoming cities (opens in a new tab)” for refugees and asylum-seekers.

Another 500 American cities (opens in a new tab) – including Chicago (opens in a new tab), Los Angeles and New York have gone further – establishing themselves as “sanctuaries” where undocumented migrants and refugees may seek protection from federal immigration authorities.

Backlash in Brazil

So far, Venezuelan migrants have experienced no such welcome in South America.

In Brazil, which has received roughly 56,000 Venezuelan migrants and asylum seekers since 2015 (opens in a new tab), cities have proven grievously unprepared to receive them (opens in a new tab).

Only a few hundred Venezuelans have sought asylum in São Paulo, Brazil’s biggest city. Yet this wealthy metropolis (opens in a new tab) of 21 million is struggling to provide them with basic services like employment, food and other amenities.

In smaller Brazilian border towns, the influx is overwhelming. Officials have appealed to the military and international aid groups (opens in a new tab) to set up emergency migrant shelters.

Boa Vista, which lies 125 miles from Venezuela, normally has 266,000 residents. Venezuelans have swelled its population by 10% (opens in a new tab).

According to Roraima state authorities, check-ups at public clinics increased 6,500% last year as Venezuelans made use of Brazil’s public health system. Many asylum-seekers arrive needing treatment for dehydration, malnutrition and disease (opens in a new tab).

Crime is also up in Roraima, 132% since 2015 (opens in a new tab), an increase officials have attributed to migrants.

Anti-migrant sentiment on the Brazilian frontier is growing (opens in a new tab).

Local officials in some border cities now require passports and special permits to access government services. Others have set up separate migrant-only bathrooms (opens in a new tab).

An angry mob of Brazilians chased 50 Venezuelans out of nearby Mucajai (opens in a new tab) in March.

In August, Roraima state closed its border with Venezuela (opens in a new tab), though Brazil’s Supreme Court ordered it reopened 15 hours later.

That month, a Venezuelan migrant accused of robbery was killed in the Brazilian city of Paracaima (opens in a new tab). Another Venezuelan was stabbed and shot to death in Rorainópolis (opens in a new tab), a town in Roraima state.

The Brazilian military was even deployed (opens in a new tab) to the border to keep the peace.

Cities have a comparative advantage

Despite these challenges, I see cities as comparatively well positioned to assist refugees.

City officials operate in the practical realm: They collect garbage, provide drinking water, manage public health care, create housing and builds roads — precisely the kinds of services migrants need.

But poorer cities like those in South America will need both national and international economic support to meet the needs of their newest residents.

Cities cannot change national laws to make refugees more welcome. But with a little help – and a lot less hindrance – they can better provide the basic protection that migrants need.— Robert Muggah

This article is republished from The Conversation (opens in a new tab) under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article (opens in a new tab).

(Picture credit: Flickr/alobos)


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