This article is written by Professor Emeritus Geoff Gallop at Sydney University and former Premier of Western Australia.

  • The problem: Too much of the wrong politics.
  • Why it matters: Wrong politics results in wrong public policymaking with poor outcomes.
  • The solution: Bring politics to the public policy table as an ally of evidence.

Good public policy these days is necessarily multi-faceted and interdisciplinary with social, economic and environmental factors all involved. Sustainability is its theme, outcomes are its concern and evidence is its raw material.

Politics takes us to a different place, being about influence and power within localities, regions, nations and the global community. It’s about who wins and who loses when it comes to law, regulation and the distribution of resources.

Think about the person (or persons) you are addressing when making a case, don’t assume things about them that are unrealistic.

The scientist in us all would like to think that the politics of public policy follows a rational path from research to recommendations to implementation to evaluation. In other words, what needs to be done is done, what evidence tells us is needed, is done.

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The truth is somewhat different, the realist in us all telling us that public policy is not just a rational business. Why is it, we might ask, that there is often a gap between what governments do and what evidence tells them they ought to do? In my experience one or more of six factors may be involved and, in recent times, we add a seventh and that is the “post-truth” phenomenon.

  1. Fundamentalism: It may be that the politician holds fundamentalist views, religious or ideological. This leads to watertight beliefs which evidence-based arguments can’t penetrate. For the fundamentalist it is values, not values and evidence, that should determine law and regulation or guide governments when developing policy responses to perceived issues. A classic case study is ‘The War on Drugs’, ideologically pure but seriously challenged in the “real” world.

  2. Vested interests (within and without): Virtually every initiative designed to improve outcomes will affect existing interests be it personal, commercial or political. The public's interests will frequently clash with private interests, leading to campaigns opposing evidence-based change. These campaigns will inevitably manifest, some transparently and others operating more discreetly “behind-the-scenes”. Such campaigns frighten politicians and can be very sophisticated and effective. Put all of this into the context of what is the ongoing drama of party politics and the wheeling and dealing involved. There are factions, egos and supporters. All so easily leadership issues can become public policy issues. All too often sacrificing a well-researched policy is the easiest option!

  3. Risk: Politicians vary in type and style – some are risk-takers but most are cautious, for whom the status quo is the best starting point. They will worry about not only the politics of fundamentalists and vested interests but a range of other factors that may tip the balance of their thinking, one way or the other. A policy may be a good one “in theory“ but what about its “feasibility“ in practice? Are the capabilities and resources there to make it work? Is there adequate political support to survive a campaign of opposition?

  4. Trust:
    (i) The credibility of researchers is always on the line, not just one to the other and through peer review, but also to the general public and their political representatives. Advocates should refrain from excessively promoting their findings or taking shortcuts in research and interpreting results. While politicians may engage in ‘spin’, public policymakers may be tempted to follow suit, but they do so at the risk of compromising their most valuable asset: scientifically-grounded recommendations.

(ii) Trust is not just an attitude that emerges but also a factor that can be developed. Institutes of higher learning and research should be vigorously independent but not disengaged from the issues of the day. The notion of the ‘ivory tower’, remote from society, is not a good vehicle for developing trust.

  1. Priorities: Take public health as an example. It competes for resources in all sorts of ways – within the budget generally, within the health budget and within the public health field itself there are arguments about what should be prioritised. Governments will have priorities that may not be yours. Particular circumstances will matter and crises can quickly create demands for a change in policy. Even a government regarded as onside with public health won’t necessarily be able to do everything desired. Almost always it’s a case of ‘one step at a time’.
  2. Failure at the last hurdle: In the final analysis, it may be a meeting with the minister that determines whether or not a policy is acceptable and supported. On the one side the scientist, on the other the politicians. Their worlds are different and difficult, including the time constraints under which they work. Using the right words, explaining in an understandable way and getting it all across in a time-constrained environment can be difficult – but should never be taken for granted. Think about the person (or persons) you are addressing when making a case, don’t assume things about them that are unrealistic. They will almost certainly not be from a research background and perhaps not even academically credentialed.

In Part 2 of this series, I will seek to demonstrate that there is a way to bring together public policy and politics that liberates the former from fundamentalism and instils the decision-making process with much-needed political considerations. Being skilled in the sciences of public policy and the art of politics is the key. That means context is going to matter, whether ideological or practical. It also means compromise isn’t dirty work, nor is negotiation an over-rated skill.

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